Heraclea Pontica (Antiquity)

1. Anthropography

1.1. Geographical Position

Heraclea is identified with the present city of Ereğli. According to sources, it was built in the land of the Mariandynoi, bordering the Sangarius (now Sakarya) River1 to the west, near the peninsula of Acherousia and near the rivers Parthenios, Hypios and the navigable Lykos, which was about 60 m wide.2 The city had a natural port,3 which is also implied by the name "Soonautes", attributed to Heraclea, meaning the city that saves the sailors.4

1.2. Etymology of the Name

Heraclea was named after Heracles, thus indicating that its first founders were particularly respectful of the hero. The area around the city was directly connected with the mythological labours of Heracles and, in particular, with his descent into Hades in order to fetch up Cerberus.5 According to Apollonius of Rhodes, Heraclea was also called "Soonautes", the city that saved the sailors – a name attributed to the city by its founders, who took refuge in its natural port to escape a tempest.6

1.3. Time of Foundation

Because excavations are still in progress in the area, the archeological findings are becoming increasingly helpful in understanding the time of foundation and the historical background of the city. According to sources, Heraclea was founded in the 6th century BC.7

1.4. Demographic – Ethnological Information

Heraclea was founded by Greeks in the ‘land of the Mariandynoi.8 The area was being inhabited at the time by native populations, the Mariandynoi, descendants of Mariandynos, who had come from Thrace and occupied the area.9 The Mariandynoi were free at first, as proven by the fact that in 480 BC they sent soldiers to Xerxes and joined his campaign against Greece.10 However, the Greeks later fought the native populations,11 the Mariandynoi were defeated and were made to sign a special treaty with the new settlers. They agreed to submit to them, although their Greek masters could not sell them outside their birthplace.12 It was rather expected that the Mariandynoi were soon Hellenised because of their interactions with the Greeks. In general, the population of Heraclea soon increased and the city founded Chersonesos and Callatis (modern Mangalia) on the northern and western coasts of the Black Sea respectively.

2. Historical Background

There were no systematic excavations in Heraclea. The ancient city is underneath the modern one, thus greatly hindering the progress of excavations. However, the history of the city may be discerned through historical sources, coins and the limited number of archaeological findings.

According to Strabo, Heraclea was founded by Miletus – a theory accepted by some contemporary historians.13 As several colonies in the Black Sea appear to have two dates of foundation,14 Heraclea was possibly founded by the Milesians before the Cimmerians raided (8th c. BC), and was refounded later.

It is widely accepted that Heraclea was built around 560 BC, when Cyrus II conquered Lydia,15 although ancient sources do not fully agree on the name of its Greek metropolis. According to some sources, it was a colonial attempt by Boeotians and Megarians,16 while others either say that it was a Boeotian colony17 or indicate the Megarians as the only settlers of Heraclea.18 Burstein says19 that the Boeotian cities Thebes and Tanagra organised the colonisation and the first inhabitants of Heraclea were mainly Boeotians. This is an explanation for the name of the city20 and the incorporation of the month Herakleios to its calendar21 in honour of Heracles, whose worship in Boeotia was very important, as well as for the association with Thebes. However, the Boeotian cities asked for Megarian help in order to increase the number of settlers, which explains the name of the city’s founder, Gnesiochos of Megara, as well as the Megarian dialect spoken in the city.

Strabo describes briefly the political evolution of Heraclea saying that the city was originally autonomous before a tyranny was imposed. When tyranny was abolished the Romans took command of the city.22 In fact, Heraclea is of particular interest for historians as the city provides more information about its political evolution than any other colony of the southern Black Sea coasts.

Strabo’s comment that Heraclea was originally autonomous,23 in combination with the political systems of its metropolises, suggests that the city had a democratic regime when it was founded and the Mariandynoi were free and farmed their land.24 However, in the 6th century BC some exiled citizens of Heraclea returned to the city and imposed an oligarchic regime.25 Although democracy was attempted to be re-established around 480 BC, it lasted only 60 years. At the time the Assembly of the citizens became more powerful, while the citizens who fulfilled their political and military duties were entitled to a remuneration.26 Oligarchy returned around 370 BC, while in 364 BC the tyranny of Clearchus was imposed.

In 364 BC the tyrant Clearchus was proclaimed strategos-emperor27 and managed to establish friendly relations with the major external enemies of Heraclea, Athens and Persia. Already from around 425 BC Heraclea had refused to pay tribute to Athens, which controlled several cities in the Black Sea. The Athenians attacked the city with 10 triremes but a heavy storm ruined their plans and part of their fleet.28 Despite his effective external policies, his arrogance and pretentious way of living29 made Clearchus hateful. One of his relatives, Chion, murdered him in 352 BC30 but the political system of Heraclea did not actually change. Clearchus was succeeded by his brother Satyrus as the guardian of his underage sons Timotheos and Dionysius. Satyrus followed Clearchus’31 policies so closely that Memnon described him as the most evil of all tyrants.32

When the son of Clearchus, Timotheos, assumed power around 346 BC administration changed. Timotheos granted general amnesty for all prisoners, gave away the money he had lent them, gave interest-free loans for commercial reasons and abjured his divine properties bestowed by his father. As a result, he became popular among the citizens of Heraclea and the Ecclesia proclaimed him a benefactor and saviour.33 He also helped the financial development of the city by supporting commerce, reorganising port facilities and promoting handicrafts workshops, particularly for pottery.34 At the same time, Timotheos organised a mighty army,35 thus consolidating his power in the region36 and extending his influence over more cities of the Black Sea. This is indicated by coins from Amisos,37 Kromne (Kurum)38 and Cercinites (Kerkinitisz), minted around 364 BC, which represent the head of a woman, according to the Heraclean type of coinage.39

Timotheos appointed his brother Dionysius as a viceroy and his successor and he stressed the importance of his decision by minting coins where the former inscription ‘ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΑ’ had been replaced by his and his brother’s names.40 Indeed, after Timotheos died in 337 BC he was succeeded by Dionysius, who governed Heraclea when the political situation in Asia Minor was particularly unstable, and signalled his absolute monarchy by minting coins with his name instead of the name of the city.41 Dionysius took advantage of the fall of the Persian Empire and expanded the territories of Heraclea as far as the city Cytoro to the east and the river Rheba of Bithynia to the west.42 He also was in good terms with Αlexander the Great and later with his successor Perdiccas. This is evidenced by the fact that although the exiled citizens from Heraclea asked for Alexander’s43 and Perdiccas’44 help to return to their birthplace, Dionysius rejected their requests. Around 320 BC Dionysius seized on the disputes among Alexander’s successors and expanded the territories of Heraclea by annexing the cities of Tios, Kromna, Sesamos (Amasra) and Cytoro. In 315 BC he allied with Antigonus I and offered him military help during the siege of Tyras.45 The alliance did not last long, though. Around 305 BC Dionysius was a supporter of Lysimachus. This became clear in 306/305 BC, when Dionysius acquired the title of ‘king’, possibly challenging the same title Antigonus I had acquired after his victory in Salamis of Cyprus that year.46

Dionysius died in 305 BC and was succeeded by his wife Amastris, whom he had married around 324 BC. Between 305 and 300 BC Heraclea was originally under the protection of Antigonus I and later under the protection of Lysimachus, as the new husband of Amastris. While she was away, her son Clearchus assumed power, which caused problems when Amastris returned to Heraclea in 300 BC. In order to avoid disputes with her sons Clearchus and Oxarthes, she left Heraclea and founded the city Amastris.47 Just like his mother, Clearchus remained an ally of Lysimachus, although he lost Kieros in the mid-280 BC for this very reason.48 However, Lysimachus did not hesitate to turn against Clearchus when he had the chance. Amastris died in 284 BC in unclear circumstances.49 After she died, Lysimachus went to Heraclea allegedly to help Clearchus, but when he arrived there he took command of the city, accused both brothers of matricide and killed them.50

For some years Heraclea remained under his command, although relatively autonomous, and under the political system of Amastris. In 280 BC, however, Lysimachus handed the power of the city to his queen Arsinoe, who appointed Heraclides of Cyme as the governor of the city.51 Heraclides ruled as a tyrant for about two years, but after Lysimachus was defeated in Corupedium in 281 BC he lost his patrons. Although the Heracleans offered him presents to leave,52 he refused. Then, the citizens of Heraclea agreed with the provost marshal of the city to arrest Heraclides and free him after a governmental body was formed, which finally happened.53

At the end of almost 83 years of tyranny and ‘patronage’, Heraclea was once again free to elect its representatives. In order to declare its independence, the city sent ambassadors to Seleucus I, who accepted them coldly and indifferently.54 When they abandoned Seleucus they allied with the city of Byzantium, Chalcedon and Mithradates I.55

While Eumenes II was fighting against Pharnakes I (circa 180 BC) Heraclea sent two triremes in order to reinforce the military forces of Eumenes.56 He also sent two more triremes to the Roman navy against Mithradates VI.57 However, during the war between Mithradates VI and the Galatians (circa 107 BC), the Heracleans helped Mithradates by sending food to Amisos, which was under Galatian siege. By way of retaliation the Galatians turned against Heraclea, but ambassadors from the city offered them expensive presents and convinced them to withdraw.58

During Mithradatic War III (73-63 BC) the Heracleans allied with Mithradates VI,59 thus making the Romans furious. In 72 BC the Roman general Cotta attacked Heraclea and after he captured the city he set it to fire.60 When Mithradatic War III ended Heraclea was incorporated into the Roman Province of Bithynia and shortly later into the Province of Pontos-Bithynia.61 According to Strabo,62 the city was refounded by Julius Caesar as a Roman colony, but it was later ruined by the Galatian chieftain Adiatorix. However, this did not prevent Marc Antony from ceding part of the city’s territory to the Galatian chief. Unfortunately, there is no information provided by sources about the historical background of Heraclea concerning the years after 70 BC, which implies that the city never regained its former economic and military power.

3. Economy

It was not by chance that Heraclea became so quickly one of the most important economic powers along the southern coasts of the Black Sea. The wider region of Heraclea, thanks to the fertile valleys of the rivers Lykos, Kalles and Hypios, was particularly rich in agricultural products. Wheat, barley, vegetables, millet, sesame, vineyards, olive trees, hazels, oregano63 and the poisonous herb aconite,64 which had healing properties, were some of the natural products of the land. The area was also rich in pines, firs and beeches,65 thus indicating the development of woodcutting. As it happened in most cities on the southern Black Sea coasts, the economic activities of the inhabitants also involved fishing, building fishing boats and occupations connected with the manufacture of nets, salting and packing fish, such as tuna, abounding in the sea of Heraclea.66

The natural products and the port of the city helped the development of commerce.67 In addition, the tyrant Timotheos contributed to the economic development of the city by supporting commerce, reorganising port facilities and promoting workshops, particularly for pottery.68 This is proved by the great number of Heraclean amphoras found in cities of the northern Black Sea coasts.69 The amphoras may have contained Heraclean wine, which was ‘strong and sweet’,70 or some of the abovementioned products. However, commerce involved imports as well and Heraclea must have imported salt from Chersonnesos.71 The great number of Heracleans that lived and died in Attica, Delos and Rhodes72 possibly suggests the extensive commercial transactions between Heraclea and the Aegean.

4. Religion

The region where Heraclea was founded was of particular religious interest for the Greeks. According to tradition, Heracles arrived there in order to descend into Hades, capture Cerberus and take it to Eurystheas. When the saliva of Cerberus, who saw sunlight for the first time, dripped on a plant, the plant changed into the poisonous aconite, which made Heraclea quite famous.73 In the area there was one of the four necromancy (Oracles of the Dead)74 of the ancient Greek world, which probably pre-existed and had given its name to the city.75

The tyrant Clearchus was probably the first mortal in Heraclea and the wider region of the Black Sea to claim that he was of divine origin – as the son of Zeus –, deified himself and demanded that he should be given honours similar to the honours offered to the gods of Olympus.76

However, when the Greek colonists founded the city, the area was already being inhabited by the Mariandynoi, who had their own devotional creeds. The settlers adopted a lot of elements included in the cult of the Mariandynoi and this is indicated by the survival of the worship of some local deities, such as Agamestor,77 Lykos,78 the Great Mother79 and some nymphs.80 Finally, the city established annual festivals in honour of the local deities of Bormos and Borinos.81

5. Buildings

Hoepfner82 identified the necromanteion of Heraclea with the Acherousion cavern, the natural caves to the north of the city. The river Baba Burnu, probably the mythological Acheron, flows today deep in the cave. The entrance to the cave is narrow, about 1 m wide, before a broad stone-paved lane leading to the interior. There is a spiral staircase leading the visitors to a square room. Two stone collumns support the roof on the eastern side of the room. On the western side the roof follows the natural course of the cliff and is so low that one has to bend in order to continue. In the room there is a pool, about 1 m deep, probably the mythological Acherousia, while a particularly low passage leads to a room where human bones were found.

The limestone walls of the 4th and the 3rd century BC to the SE of the city are possibly those reported by Xenophon.83 They are 2.86 km long, which indicates that the area of the city was smaller than the areas of other cities of the same period, such as Priene and Cnidus.84 It also indicates that the agora was outside the city walls.85

Archaeological studies at the city’s port showed that it was trapezoid in shape and quite big, similar to that of Sinope, while the city walls surrounded part of it.86

At the acropolis of Heraclea there is a Byzantine castle, where the palace of Clearchus must have stood. The building was burned around 281 BC,87 when democracy was restored in Heraclea. A sanctuary of the 250 BC was also discovered in the acropolis, possibly dedicated to Ηerakles, made of marble from Proconnesus.88

As a Greek city, Heraclea must have had a theatre and a stadium, while archaeological studies indicate that they probably were a little below the acropolis.89 Finally, it is known that Clearchus organised a library in the city,90 although no such building has been discovered yet.

1. Pseudo-Scymnus, 936.

2. Scylax, 91; Xenophon, An. 6.2.2.

3. Strabo, 12.3.6.

4. Apollonius Rhodius, 2.746; Schol. Apoll. Rh., 746, 845.

5. Xenophon, An. 6.2.2.; Diodorus Siculus, 4.31.3.

6. Apollonius Rhodius, 2.746; Schol. Apoll. Rh., 746, 845.

7. Pseudo-Scymnus, 972.

8. Scylax, 91; Xenophon, An. 6.2.2; Strabo, 12.3.6.

9. Strabo, 12.3.4. The ancient sources are not clear regarding the origins of the Mariandynoi. For a concise reference to the various theories see Erciyas, D.B., 'Heracleia Pontica – Amastris', in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (ed.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, pp. 1404-1406.

10. Herodotus, 7.72.

11. Pliny, 6.1; Pausanias, 5.24.7; Justin, 16.3.7-8.

12. Strabo, 12.3.4, 12.3.6; Posidonius,  FGrH 2A, 87F8.

13. Strabo, 12.3.4; Saprykin, S.J., Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus Before the Roman Domination. VI – I Centuries BC (Amsterdam 1997), pp. 23-27.

14. For example, see Amissos (Pseudo-Scymnus 917-918, Strabo, 12.3.14), Kyzicus (RE 12.1, column 229).

15. Pseudo-Scymnus, 968-975.

16. Pseudo-Scymnus, 97; Pausanias, 5.24.7.

17. Justin, 16.3; Schol. Apoll. Rh., 155 ad 2.351-352a.

18. Xenophon, An. 6.2.1, Arrianus, Peripl M. Eux. 18; Diodorus, S. 14.31.3.

19. Burstein, S., Outpost of Hellenism. The Emergence of Heraclea on the Black Sea (Berkeley 1976), p. 17.

20. Justin, 16.3.4-7.

21. Hannel, K., Megarische Studien (Lund 1934), p. 202.

22. Strabo, 12.6.

23. Strabo, 12.6.

24. Aristotle, Pol. 5.4.2.

25. Aristotle, Pol. 5.4.2-3; Erciyas, D.B., 'Heracleia Pontica – Amastris', in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (ed.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, p. 1408.

26. Pseudo-Arist., Oec. 2.2.8, 1347b3-14.

27. Justin, 16.4.16.

28. Thucydides, 4.75.2; Diodorus, 12.72.4; Justin, 16.3.9.

29. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F1.1.

30. Justin, 16.5.13.

31. Justin, 16.5.17-18.

32. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F1-2.

33. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F3.1.

34. Saprykin, S.J., Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus Before the Roman Domination. VI – I Centuries BC (Amsterdam 1997), pp. 142-143.

35. Aristotle, Polit. 7.5.7 1327b15-16.

36. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F3.2.

37. Rec. Gen.1, 45, no. 1.

38. Rec. Gen.1, 157-159, nos 1-9.

39. Erciyas, D.B., ‘Heracleia Pontica – Amastris’, in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (edit.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, p. 1411.

40. Rec. Gen.2, 350, nos 33-37; Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F3.1; Erciyas, D.B., ‘Heracleia Pontica – Amastris’, in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (edit.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, p. 1411.

41. Rec. Gen.1, 350, nos 38-41.

42. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F4.1.

43. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F4.1.

44. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F4.3.

45. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F4.6.

46. Saprykin, S.J., Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus Before the Roman Domination. VI – I Centuries BC (Amsterdam 1997), pp. 142-143.

47. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F4.9; Strabo, 12.3.10.

48. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F6.3, 9.4; Diodorus, 20.111.4; Strabo, 12.3.41.

49. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F5.2.

50. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F5.3; Justin, 16.3.3.

51. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F5.4-5.

52. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F5.3.

53. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F6.

54. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F7.1.

55. Saprykin, S.J., Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus Before the Roman Domination. VI – I Centuries BC (Amsterdam 1997), p. 163, note 1.

56. Livy, 42, 56.6.

57. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F21.

58. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F24.

59. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F42.

60. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F47, 49, 50-52.

61. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F37.6.

62. Strabo, 12.542.

63. Xenophon, An., 5.4.29, 6.2.3, 6.4.6, 6.5.1; Theophr., Athen., 2.53b-d; IG 2/3, 1013.

64. Xenophon, An., 6.2.2; Strabo, 12.3.7; Theophr., 9.14; Ovid, Met. 7; Plin., NH 6.1, 27.2.

65. Xenophon, An., 6.4.5.

66. Strabo, 7.6.2; Ath. 8.331c; Plin., NH 9.176-178; Ael., NA 15.5.

67. Xenophon, An., 5.6.19, 6.4.23.

68. Saprykin, S.J., Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus Before the Roman Domination. VI – I Centuries BC (Amsterdam 1997), pp. 142-143.

69. Erciyas, D.B., ‘Heracleia Pontica – Amastris’, in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (edit.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, p. 1406.

70. Theophr., Athen., 1.32b.

71. Strabo, 7.4.7.

72. Saprykin, S.J., Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus Before the Roman Domination. VI – I Centuries BC (Amsterdam 1997), pp. 290-292.

73. Xenophon, An., 6.2.2; Strabo, 12.3.7; Theophr., 9.14; Ovid, Met. 7; Plin., NH 6.1, 27.2.

74. Amm. Marc. 22.8.16-17; Plin., NH 6.4; Pomp. Mela 1.103, Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica 6.469-491; Apoll. Rh., Argonaut. 2.727-748; Xenophon, An.,. 6.2.2; Plutarch, Cimon 6, Ethic. 555c; Paus., 3.17, Aristod., FGrH 104 F8 (Jacoby).

75. Ogden, D., Greek and Roman Necromancy (Princeton, Oxford 2001).

76. Justin, 16.5.9-11.

77. Apoll. Rh., 2.844-847.

78. Schol. Apoll. Rh., 184 ad 2.724, 185-186 ad 2.752.

79. Hann., Periplus, 8.5.13; Arrian, Peripl., 13.3.

80. Schol. Apoll. Rh., 184 ad 2.724, 185-186 ad 2.752; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica 6.472.

81. Nymphis, FGrH 3B, 432F5.

82. Hoepfner, W., Herakleia Pontike-Eregli: Eine baugeschichtliche Untersuchung, Forschungen an der Nordküste Kleinasiens, Erganzungsbande zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 2,1 (Vienna 1966).

83. Xenophon, An., 6.2.

84. Hoepfner, W., Herakleia Pontike-Eregli: Eine baugeschichtliche Untersuchung, Forschungen an der Nordküste Kleinasiens, Ergänzungsbände zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 2,1 (Vienna 1966), pp. 21, 37-38.

85. Erciyas, D.B., ‘Heracleia Pontica – Amastris’, in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (edit.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, p. 1417.

86. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F8.6; Erciyas, D.B., ‘Heracleia Pontica – Amastris’, in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (edit.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, vol. 2, p. 1418.

87. Hoepfner, W., Herakleia Pontike-Eregli: Eine baugeschichtliche Untersuchung, Forschungen an der Nordküste Kleinasiens, Ergänzungsbände zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 2,1 (Vienna 1966), p. 24.

88. Hoepfner, W., Herakleia Pontike-Eregli: Eine baugeschichtliche Untersuchung, Forschungen an der Nordküste Kleinasiens, Ergänzungsbände zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 2,1 (Vienna 1966), p. 25.

89. Erciyas, D.B., ‘Heracleia Pontica – Amastris’, in Grammenos, D.V. –  Petropoulos, E.K. (edit.), Ancient Greek colonies in the Black Sea, p. 1418.

90. Memnon, FGrH 3B 434F1.2.